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١ Articulation is a contingent combination of interests and sectors that nevertheless has long-lasting effects, especially in the way it recasts the combined interests and sectors. For a fuller discussion, see Cedric de Leon, Manali Desai and Cihan T uğal, Building Blocs: How Parties Organize Society, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015.

٢ Hence, the classical question ‘what is the class basis of x movement, policy, regime, etc.’should beappended by another question: ‘what bloc can sustain it’? Blocs, more than classes, can be taken as the (decentred) subjects of history. T his definition draws on, but revises, Nikos Poulantzas’s definition; see Fascism and Dictatorship, London: New Left Books, 1974 [1970], 72; and Classes in Contemporary Capitalism, London: New Left Books, 1975 [1974], 24.

٣ Such centrality of religion in national identity is not restricted to Islamic contexts. Varieties of Christianity have been central in the formation of secular nationalisms in America, Poland, etc.

۴ Differences between the more locally and internationally oriented bourgeois fractions, however, should not be exaggerated. T he proto-liberal bourgeoisie also benefited hugely from import-substitution, which persisted even in the 1950s, though in loosened and unplanned fashion. Ayşe Buğra and Osman Savaşkan, New Capitalism in Turkey: The Relationship between Politics, Religion and Business, Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2014.

۵ Nazih N. M. Ayubi, Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East, London: I. B. Tauris, 1995.

۶ Ayşe Buğra, State and Business in Modern Turkey: A Comparative Study, Albany: State University of New York, 1994.

٧ Çağlar Keyder, State and Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development, London: Verso, 1987.

٨ Dankwart Rustow, ‘T urkish Democracy in Historical and Comparative Perspective’, in Metin Heper and Ahmet Evin, eds., Politics in the Third Turkish Republic, Boulder, CO: Westview, 1994, 3–۱۲٫

٩ Ayşe Bugra and Çaglar Keyder, ‘T he T urkish Welfare Regime in T ransformation’, Journal of European Social Policy 16:3 (2006): 211–۲۸٫

١٠ Panayiotis J. Vatikiotis, The History of Modern Egypt: From Muhammad Ali to Mubarak. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1991 [1969], 305.

١١ Ibid., 309.

١٢ John Esposito and John Voll, eds, Makers of Contemporary Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, 13.

١٣ Tamir Moustafa, ‘Law versus the State: T he Judicialization of Politics in Egypt’, Law & Social Inquiry 28 (2003): 888.

١۴ Manar Shorbagy, ‘T he Egyptian Movement for Change – Kefaya: Redefining Politics in Egypt’, Public Culture 19 (2007): 179.

١۵ John Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983.

١۶ Alan Richards and John Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2007, 188.

١٧ Ibid., 189.

١٨ Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat, 223.

١٩ Hazem Kandil, ‘Why Did the Egyptian Middle Class March to Tahrir Square?’, Mediterranean Politics 17:2 (2012): 197–۲۱۵٫

٢٠ S. Yunis, Al-Zahf al-muqadas: Muzaharat al-tanahi wa tashkil ‘ebadet Abd al-Nasser, Cairo: Dar Merit, 2005, 69.

٢١ R. A. Brooks, Shaping Strategy: The Civil–Military Politics of Strategic Assessment, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008, 72–۳٫

٢٢ Mehdi Mabrouk, ‘T unisia: T he Radicalization of Religious Policy’, in George Joffé, ed., Islamist Radicalization in North Africa: Politics and Process, London: Routledge, 2012, 50–۲٫

٢٣ Kenneth J. Perkins, A History of Modern Tunisia, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

٢۴ T his certainly had to do with the premodern balance of the administrative centre and the tribes, as much as nineteenth-and twentieth-century political reforms. See Mounira Charrad, States and Women’s Rights: The Making of Postcolonial Tunisia, Algeria, and Morocco, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001.

٢۵ Fred Halliday, Iran: Dictatorship and Development, New York: Penguin, 1978.

٢۶ Matthew Elliot, ‘New Iran and the Dissolution of Party Politics under Reza Shah’, in Touraj Atabaki and Eric J. Zürcher, eds, Men of Order: Authoritarian Modernization under Atatürk and Reza Shah, London: I. B. Tauris, 2004, 87.

٢٧ Ibid., 68.

٢٨ John R. Perry, ‘Language Reform in T urkey and Iran’, in Atabaki and Zürcher, eds, Men of Order, 238–۵۹٫

٢٩ Houchang Chehabi, ‘Dress Codes for Men in T urkey and Iran’, in Atabaki and Zürcher, ed, Men of Order, 220–۱٫

٣٠ Ibid., 221–۲٫

٣١ Atabaki and Zürcher, eds, Men of Order, 9–۱۱٫

٣٢ Eric J. Zürcher, ‘Institution Building in the Kemalist Republic: T he Role of the People’s Party’, in Atabaki and Zürcher, eds, Men of Order, 98–۱۱۲; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982, 148–۹٫

٣٣ Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions, 138–۹٫

٣۴ John Foran, Fragile Resistance: Social Transformation in Iran from 1500 to the Revolution, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993.

٣۵ See Said A. Arjomand, The Turban for the Crown: The Islamic Revolution in Iran, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988; Michael M. J. Fischer, Iran: From Religious Dispute to Revolution, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980; and Misagh Parsa, Social Origins of the Iranian Revolution, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1989.

٣۶ Anthony Gill and Arang Keshavarzian, ‘State Building and Religious Resources: An Institutional T heory of Church–State Relations in Iran and Mexico’, Politics and Society 27:3 (1999): 442–۵٫

٣٧ Kevan Harris, ‘A Martyrs’ Welfare State and Its Contradictions: Regime Resilience and Limits through the Lens of Social Policy in Iran’, in Steven Heydemann and Reinoud Leenders, eds, Middle East Authoritarianisms: Governance, Contestation, and Regime Resilience in Syria and Iran, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013, 61–۸۰٫

٣٨ Richards and Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East.

٣٩ Ayşe Buğra and Osman Savaşkan, New Capitalism in Turkey: The Relationship between Politics, Religion and Business, Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 2014.

۴٠ Ziya Öniş, ‘Anatomy of Unorthodox Liberalism: T he Political Economy of T urkey in the 1980s’, in Metin Heper, ed., Strong State and Economic Interest Groups: The Post-1980 Turkish Experience, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1991, 27–۴۱; and Öniş, ‘T urgut Özal and His Economic Legacy: T urkish Neoliberalism in Critical Perspective’, Middle Eastern Studies 40:4 (2007): 113–۳۴٫

۴١ Hesham al-Awadi, In Pursuit of Legitimacy: The Muslim Brothers and Mubarak, 1982–۲۰۰۰, London: I. B. Tauris, 2005, 37

۴٢ Ibid., 37, 41.

۴٣ See al-Awadi, In Pursuit of Legitimacy, chapter 3.

۴۴ ‘al-Ikhwan: ʿasa al-Sadat li darb al-Nasseriyyin’, almasryalyoum.com, 7 April 2013.

۴۵ Eberhard Kienle, ‘More T han a Response to Islamism: T he Political Deliberalization of Egypt in the 1990s’, Middle East Journal 52 (1998): 219–۳۵٫

۴۶ John W. Salevurakis and S. Mohamed Abdel-Haleim, ‘Bread Subsidies in Egypt: Choosing Social Stability or Fiscal Responsibility’, Review of Radical Political Economics 40:1 (2008): 35–۴۹٫

۴٧ Richards and Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East, 222–۴, ۲۴۹٫

۴٨ Ray Bush,. ‘Politics, Power and Poverty: Twenty Years of Agricultural Reform and Market Liberalisation in Egypt’, Third World Quarterly 28:8 (2007): 1603–۵٫

۴٩ Ibid., 1606–۸٫

۵٠ See Relli Shechter, ‘T he Cultural Economy of Development in Egypt: Economic Nationalism, Hidden

Economy and the Emergence of Mass Consumer Society during Sadat’s Infitah’, Middle Eastern Studies 44:4 (2008): 571–۸۳; and Dona J. Stewart, ‘Changing Cairo: T he Political Economy of Urban Form’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 23:1 (1999): 142.

۵١ S. Suleiman, Al-Nizam al-qawi wa al-dawla al-da’ifa: Edaret al-azma al-maliya wa al-taghir al-siyasi fi’ahd Mubarak, Cairo: Dar Merit, 2005, 9, 54.

۵٢ Richards and Waterbury, A Political Economy of the Middle East, 250.

۵٣ Ibid., 251.

۵۴ Alan Richards, John Waterbury, Melanie Cammett, and Ishac Diwan, A Political Economy of the Middle East, 3rd edn, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2013, 25–۹٫

۵۵ Ibid., 195–۶٫

۵۶ Similar to the disagreements regarding regime-Islamist relations in Egypt, the import of such active support or involvement of the T unisian state in fostering the Islamic movement in the 1960s is a matter of unresolved dispute. Mehdi Mabrouk, 2012. ‘T unisia: T he Radicalization of Religious Policy’, in George Joffé, ed., Islamist Radicalization in North Africa: Politics and Process, London: Routledge, 2012, 54

۵٧ François Burgat and William Dowell, The Islamic Movement in North Africa, 2nd edn, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997, 184.

۵٨ Chris Toensing, ‘T unisian Labor Leaders Reflect upon Revolt’, Middle East Report 41:258 (Spring 2011): 30.

۵٩ Richards et al., A Political Economy of the Middle East, 3rd edn, 240–۲٫

۶٠ See Çağlar Keyder, ‘T he T urkish Bell Jar ’, New Left Review 2:28 (July/August 2004): 65–۸۴٫

۶١ Buğra and Savaşkan, New Capitalism in Turkey; Ziya Öiş, ‘Beyond the 2001 Financial Crisis: T he Political Economy of the New Phase of NeoLiberal Restructuring in T urkey’, Review ofInternational Political Economy 16:3 (2009): 409–۳۲٫

۶٢ See Neil Brenner, Jamie Peck and Nik T heodore, ‘Variegated Neoliberalization: Geographies, Modalities, Pathways’, Global Networks 10:2 (2010): 209–۱۰٫

۶٣ T he AKP government, self-confident due to the credibility it gained as a result of its pursuit of free market policies, loosened its ties with the IMF in the 2010s.

۶۴ While Kandil provides one of the best accounts of this process, his insistence on calling the Egyptian bourgeoisie (including the richest families of the country) a ‘middle class’ sector takes away from the analysis. A critical distinction between the bourgeoisie and the new petty bourgeoisie deals with the nalytical problems this institutionalist baggage (which takes the ruling class as the upper class) creates. Furthermore, the dominant class has to be differentiated from the ruling class.

۶۵ See T imothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

۶۶ T homas Richter and Christian Steiner, ‘Politics, Economics and Tourism Development in Egypt: Insights into the Sectoral T ransformations of a Neo-patrimonial Rentier State’, Third World Quarterly 29:5 (2008): 955.

۶٧ Stephen King, Liberalization against Democracy, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003.

۶٨ Emma C. Murphy, ‘Under the Emperor ’s Neoliberal Clothes! Why the International Financial Institutions Got It Wrong in T unisia’, in Nouri Gana, ed., The Making of the Tunisian Revolution: Contexts, Architects, Prospects, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013, 37–۴۱, ۴۵٫

۶٩ See Murphy, ‘Under the Emperor ’s Neoliberal Clothes!’, for a rare self-criticism of a past favourable assessment.

٧٠ I reserve the term sociopolitical organization for groupings that have broad (shared and contested) political, social and economic visions, but are not as institutionalized as parties.

٧١ One of the most prominent of these, the Freedom Movement of Iran, for instance, was not even comparable to the T urkish National Salvation Party/Welfare Party or the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in terms of the scope and depth of its organization.

٧٢ Bahman Baktiari, Parliamentary Politics in Revolutionary Iran: The Institutionalization of Factional Politics, Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996, 55.

٧٣ Nikki R. Keddie, Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006 [2003], 238; Charles Kurzman, The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004, 146–۷٫

٧۴ Ervand Abrahamian, The Iranian Mojahedin, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989.

٧۵ Ali Gheissari and Vali Nasr, Democracy in Iran: History and the Quest for Liberty, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006, 101.

٧۶ Baktiari, Parliamentary Politics in Revolutionary Iran.

٧٧ See Kurzman, Unthinkable Revolution, chapter 2.

٧٨ Masserat Amir-Ebrahimi, ‘Conquering Enclosed Public Spaces’, Cities 23 (2006): 455–۶۱٫

٧٩ For the incredibly contradictory, sometimes liberating, aspects and outcomes of segregation policies, see Nazanin Shahrokni, ‘T he Mother ’s Paradise: Women-Only Parks and the Dynamics of State Power in the Islamic Republic of Iran’, Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies (forthcoming).

٨٠ Amir-Ebrahimi, ‘Conquering Enclosed Public Spaces’.

٨١ Misagh Parsa, Social Origins of the Iranian Revolution, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1989, 91–۵, ۱۰۵–۲۵٫

٨٢ See Mehrdad Valibeigi, ‘Islamic Economics and Economic Policy Formation in Post-Revolutionary Iran: A Critique’, Journal of Economic Issues 27:3 (1993): 793–۸۱۲٫ Some commentators have questioned the radical faction’s commitment to radicalism. Khomeini’s exact role in these factional battles is also open to more than one interpretation (e.g., see Kevan Harris, ‘T he Rise of T he Subcontractor State: Politics of Pseudo-Privatization in the Islamic Republic of Iran’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 45:1 [2013]: 50).

٨٣ Elizabeth Sanasarian, ‘Ayatollah Khomeini and the Institutionalization of Charismatic Rule in Iran, 1979–۱۹۸۹’, Journal of Developing Societies 11 (1995): 189–۲۰۵٫

٨۴ Farhad Nomani and Sohrab Behdad, Class and Labor in Iran: Did the Revolution Matter? Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006, 2–۳, ۳۸٫

٨۵ Sohrab Behdad, ‘Winners and Losers of the Iranian Revolution: A Study in Income Distribution’, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 21:3 (1989): 327–۵۸٫

٨۶ Nomani and Behdad, Class and Labor in Iran, 206.

٨٧ Abrahamian, Iranian Mojahedin.

٨٨ Kevan Harris, ‘Martyrs’ Welfare State’, ۴۹–۵۰٫

٨٩ Harris, ‘T he Rise of the Subcontractor State’.

٩٠ Harris, Martyrs’ Welfare State, 175–۷٫

٩١ Ibid., 70–۲٫

٩٢ Kevan Harris, ‘T he Martyrs’ Welfare State: Politics of Social Policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran’, Ph.D. diss. (Johns Hopkins University, 2012), 185.

٩٣ Ibid.; Arang Keshavarzian, Bazaar and State in Iran: Politics of the Tehran Marketplace, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

٩۴ Yet, as we will later see, Islamism’s initial and harsh criticisms of the conservative regional bloc were quickly watered down, as a result of which it became less and less distinguishable from Sunni conservatism during the Arab Spring

٩۵ For instance, see Abdelkader Zghal, ‘T he New Strategy of the Movement of the Islamic Way’, for early attempts by T unisian Islamists to prove to the world that they were different from the Iranian ones. Zghal, ‘T he New Strategy of the Movement of the Islamic Way: Manipulation or Expression of Political Culture?’, in I. Williams Zartman, ed., Tunisia: The Political Economy of Reform, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991.

٩۶ Süleyman Seyfi Öğün, Yeni Şafak, 6 October 2014.

٩٧ Mehmet Metiner, Şafak’ta 10 Gün: İran Notları, Istanbul: Birim, 1989, 24 (emphasis mine).

٩٨ Ibid., 55.

٩٩ Reported in Shibley Telhami, ‘Arab Perspectives on Iran’s Role in a Changing Middle East’, Wilson Center. Available wilsoncenter.org/.

١٠٠ Metiner, Şafak’ta 10 Gün, 109–۱۰٫

١٠١ Christopher Alexander, ‘Opportunities, Organizations, and Ideas: Islamists and Workers in T unisia and Algeria’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 32 (2000): 465–۹۰; Elbaki Hermassi, ‘T he Islamicist Movement and November 7’, in Zartman, ed., Tunisia: The Political Economy of Reform, 194.

١٠٢ Murphy, ‘Under the Emperor ’s Neoliberal Clothes!’, ۶۴, ۷۱٫

١٠٣ Ruşen Çak̓;r, Ayet ve slogan: Türkiye’ de İslami oluşumlar, İstanbul: Metis Yayınları, ۱۹۹۰٫

١٠۴ Taha Parla, Türkiye’nin Siyasal Rejimi, Istanbul: İletişim, 1995.

١٠۵ Necmettin Erbakan, Adil Ekonomik Düzen, Ankara, 1991.

١٠۶ T he discussions of urban Islamism in this chapter and the next integrate a few paragraphs from T uğal, ‘T he Greening of Istanbul’, New Left Review 2:51 (May/June 2008): 64–۸۰٫

١٠٧ For the best exemplars, see Mustafa Armağan, Şehir, ey Şehir, Istanbul: Şule Yayınları, ۱۹۹۷; T urgut Cansever, Kubbeyi Yere Koymamak, Istanbul: T imas Yayınları, ۱۹۹۷; and Rasim Özdenören, Kent İlişkileri, Istanbul: Iz Yayıncılık, 1998.

١٠٨ For this populist line, see İdris Özyol, Lanetli Sınıf, Istanbul: Birey Yayıncılık, 1999.

١٠٩ T hese views were voiced in Mustafa Kutlu, Şehir Mektupları, Istanbul: Dergah Yayınları, ۱۹۹۵; and İhsan Sezal, Şehirleşme, Istanbul: Aǧaç Yayınevı, ۱۹۹۲٫

١١٠ Menderes Çınar, ‘T urkey’s T ransformation under the AKP Rule’, Muslim World 96:3 (2006): 469–۸۶٫

١١١ Elizabeth Özdalga, ‘Necmettin Erbakan: Democracy for the Sake of Power ’, in Metin Heper and Sabri Sayarı, eds, Political Leaders and Democracy in Turkey, NewYork: Lexington Books, 2002.

١١٢ See, e.g., Samia Mehrez, ‘Take T hem Out of the Ball Game: Egypt’s Cultural Players in Crisis’, Middle East Report 31:219 (Summer 2001): 11–۱۲٫

١١٣ Most of the following six paragraphs are taken from Cihan T uğal, ‘Religious Politics, Hegemony, and the Market Economy: Parties in the Making of T urkey’s Liberal–Conservative Bloc and Egypt’s Diffuse Islamization’ in Cedric De Leon, Manali Desai, and Cihan T uğal, eds, Building Blocs: How Parties Organize Society, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015.

١١۴ Brynjar Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement 1928–۱۹۴۲, Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 1998; Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers, London: Oxford University Press, 1969.

١١۵ Olivier Carré, Les Frères Musulmans Egypte et Syrie, 1928–۱۹۸۲, Paris: Gallimard/Julliard, 1983, 12.

١١۶ Salwa Ismail, ‘Confronting the Other: Identity, Culture, Politics, and Conservative Islamism in Egypt’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 30 (1998): 207.

١١٧ See Davut Ates, ‘Economic Liberalization and Changes in Fundamentalism: T he Case of Egypt’, Middle East Policy 12 (2005): 133–۴۴٫

١١٨ Ismail, ‘Confronting the Other ’, ۲۱۳–۱۴٫

١١٩ See Barbara Zollner, ‘Prison Talk: T he Muslim Brotherhood’s Internal Struggle during Gamal Abdel Nasser ’s Persecution, 1954 to 1971’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 39 (2007): 411–۳۳, for the political roots of this moderation in a split within the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1960s.

١٢٠ Malika Zeghal ‘Religion and Politics in Egypt: T he Ulema of Al-Azhar, Radical Islam, and the State (1952–۹۴)’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 31 (1999): 371–۹۹٫

١٢١ Raymond W. Baker, ‘Afraid for Islam: Egypt’s Muslim Centrists between Pharaohs and Fundamentalists’, Daedalus 120 (1991): 41–۶۸٫

١٢٢ Mohammed Zahid and Michael Medley. ‘Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Sudan’, Review of African Political Economy 33 (2006): 693–۷۰۸٫

١٢٣ Salwa Ismail, ‘Confronting the Other: Identity, Culture, Politics, and Conservative Islamism in Egypt’, International Journal of Middle East Studies 30 (1998): 211–۱۲٫

١٢۴ Salwa Ismail, Political Life in Cairo’s New Quarters: Encountering the Everyday State, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006; Gilles Kepel, ‘Islamists versus the State in Egypt and Algeria’, Daedalus 124 (1995): 113.

١٢۵ Salwa Ismail, ‘Religious “Orthodoxy” as Public Morality: T he State, Islamism and Cultural Politics in Egypt’, Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 8 (1999): 25–۴۷; Maha Abdel Rahman, ‘T he Politics of “UnCivil” Society in Egypt’, Review of African Political Economy 29 (2002): 21–۳۶٫

١٢۶ Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Adeb-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt: Civil Society vs. the State, Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1999, 57.

١٢٧ Al-Awadi, In Pursuit of Legitimacy, 39.

١٢٨ See Al-Awadi, In Pursuit of Legitimacy, chapter 3.

١٢٩ Alexander, ‘Islamists and Workers in T unisia and Algeria’.

١٣٠ For one of the biographical accounts regarding how this contact took place among the top leaders, see François Burgat and and William Dowell, The Islamic Movement in North Africa, 2^nd edn, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1997, 185.

١٣١ T he almost obsessive anti-socialism of the movement comes forth much more clearly in the French version of Burgat’s interview with Enneifer, one of the founders and primary leaders (François Burgat, L’Islamisme au Maghreb: La voix du sud, Paris: Karthala, 1988, 208–۹). For more on the regime-al-Nahda cooperation against Marxism at the end of the 1970s and the early 1980s, as well as the fluctuating repression and persecution faced by the Islamists, with 1981 as the apex, see Burgat L’Islamisme au Maghreb, 214–۱۶, ۲۱۸–۲۰٫

١٣٢ Burgat and Dowell, Islamic Movement in North Africa.

١٣٣ Mehdi Mabrouk, ‘T unisia: T he Radicalization of Religious Policy’, in George Joffé, ed., Islamist Radicalization in North Africa: Politics and Process, London: Routledge, 2012, 61. T his account is questionable because al-Nahda emerged as the most organized force immediately after the ouster of Ben Ali. It must therefore have kept some of its organization intact underground.

١٣۴ See Mabrouk, ‘T unisia: T he Radicalization of Religious Policy’, ۶۳, on the ‘scientific’ Salafis, though his comments need to be taken with a grain of salt due to his partisanship on behalf of al-Nahda and against other Islamist groups

١٣۵ Alexander, ‘Islamists and Workers in T unisia and Algeria’, ۴۷۰–۶٫

١٣۶ Ibid., 472.

١٣٧ Azzam S. Tamimi, Rachid Ghannouchi: A Democrat within Islamism, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001, 103, 144.

١٣٨ Ibid., 52–۳٫

١٣٩ Ibid., 146.

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